СПИСОК ИЛЛЮСТРАЦИЙ

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(с. 39)Надгробия шахидов XIX в. в с. Кванада. Фото автора, 1996 г. Архив автора

(с. 43)Временный паспорт горца из Дагестанской области, конец ХЕК в. (РФ ИИАЭ,.ф. 16, on. 2, № 424об.)

(с. 50)Милиционер из с. Ахты. Акварель Г.Гагарина (Gagarin G. Scenes, paysages, moeurs et costumes du Caucase. P., .1845, vol. 6)

(c. 52)Боевая башня XVIII — начала XIX в. в с. Хупггада. Фото автора, 1995 г. Архив автора

(с. 53) Набег черкесов на Кавказскую линию. Картина русского художника середины XIX в. (Утверждение русского владычества на Кавказе. СПб., т. 3, ч. 2, с. 228)

(с. 62)Письмо об ишкиле, первая пол. XIX в. (РФ ИИАЭ, ф. 16, on. 1, № 1262)

(с. 63)Письмо обшины Тлондода обшине Ассаб, первая пол. XIX в. (РФ ИИАЭ, ф. 16, on. 1, № 1291)

(с. 83)Надгробие шахида XIX в. на кладбище Кырхляр в Дербенте. Фото автора, 1997 г. Архив автора

(с. 86)Плакат времен Гражданской войны о наборе горцев-добровольцев в Мусульманский конный дивизион полковника Ш.-Х.Берладника-Пуков- ского (Родина, 2000, № 1/2)

(с. 88).Наджмутдин Годинский (?), Узун-хаджи Салтинский (??) и генерал- майор М.Халилов (???) во главе партизанских отрядов горцев, занявших г. Темир-Хан-Шура.

(с. 112)Место сбора старшин и судей (байт ар-ру’аса’) в с. Микрах. Реконст­рукция М.А.Агларова (Агларов М.А. Сельская обшина в Нагорном Даге­стане в XVII — начале XIX в., с. 176)

(с. 116)Курахская стела 757/1356 г. Эстамп Л.И. Лаврова Лавров Л.И. Эпи­графические памятники Северного Кавказа, ч. 1, с. 287)

(с. 119)Свод адата багулал в Хупггадинском Коране (список 1153/1740- 41 г.). Фото автора, 1995 г. Архив автора

(с. 131)Гидатлинские адаты. Колофон. Рукопись XIX в., переписанная с копии сер. XVII в. (РФ ИИАЭ, ф. 5, on. 1, д. 62, л. 1)

(с. 139)Из переписки Шамиля с наибами по судебным вопросам. Письмо Мухаммеду из Кудали, 40-50-е годы XIX в. (РФ ИИАЭ, ф. 16, on. 1, № 822)

(с. 143)Указ 1864 г. императора Александра II главнокомандующему Кав­казской армией вел. кн. Михаилу Николаевичу в ознаменование покоре­ния Кавказа. Арабская копия из Дагестана (РФ ИИАЭ, ф. 16, on. 1, № 1537)

(с. 144)Военный министр генерал-адъютант граф Д.А.Милютин (Родина. 2000, № 1/2)

(с. 146)Мишлешское соглашение с русскими 1230/1815 г. Эстамп Л.И.Лав- рова (Лавров Л.И. Эпиграфические памятники Северного Кавказа, ч. 2, с. 238, № 627)

(с. 151)Первый наместник Кавказский генерал-фельдмаршал князь М.С.Во­ронцов (Родина. 2000, № 1/2)

(с. 152)Последний наместник Кавказского края граф И.И.Воронцов- Дашков (Родина. 2000, № 1/2)

(с. 155)Наместник Кавказский генерал-фельдмаршал князь А.И.Барятин­ский (Родина. 2000, № 1/2)

(с. 157)«Проект положения о сельских обществах...» (с параллельным рус­ским и арабским текстом). Темир-Хан-Шура, 1898

(с. 161)Мухаммед Мамалав Чохский, подполковник горской милиции и начальник Казикумухского округа. Фото 1877 г. (Тахнаева П.И. Чох в блистательную эпоху Шамиля, 1840-1850 гг., с. 118)

(с. 165)Инструкция начальника ХунЗахского участка Аварского округа Да­гестанской области о правилах ведения делопроизводства в сельских су­дах от 28 июня 1901 г. (РФ ИИАЭ, ф. 16, on. 1, № 757)

(с. 184)Тюрьма в с.

(с. 187)Статистика уголовных преступлений в книге Хуштадинского сельско­го суда, 1905 г. (РФ ИИАЭ, ф. 16, on. 1, № 9796)

(с. 193)Мег с. Хуштада. Фото автора, 1995 г. Архив автора

(с. 194)Поля на террасах в с. Кумух. Фото автора, 2001 г. Архив автора

(с. 199)Копия постановления народного суда Андийского округа по земель­ному спору между обществами селений Хуштада и Тлондода от 26 ап­реля 1901 г. (личный архив М.-С.К.Газиева в с. Хуштада)

(с. 201)Спорный лесной участок Элюгун в окрестностях с. Тлондода. Фото автора, 1996 г. Архив автора

(с. 213)Современные горцы с. Хуштада. Фото автора, 1995 г. Архив ав­тора

(с. 221)Постановление шариатского суда с. Шиназ от 5 апреля 1920 г. о разделе имущества (личный архив Р. А. Рамазанова, с. Шиназ)

(с. 223)Циркуляр Народно-шариатского судебного отдела Ревкома Дагеста­на от 28 апреля 1920 г. о правилах разбора уголовных преступлений окружными шариатскими судами (ЦГА РД, ф. р-209, on. 1, д. 2, л. 50)

(с. 237)Пруд в с. Кумух. По дореволюционному адату его обязаны были чистить жители с. Хури. Фото автора, 2001 г. Архив автора

(с. 245)Мельница советского времени в окрестностях с. Тлондода. Фото автора, 1996 г. Архив автора

(с. 247)Частный хутор, превращенный в приусадебный участок колхоза им. Чапаева с. Хуштада. Фото автора, 1996 г. Архив автора

(с. 249)Годекан советского времени в с. Тлондода. Фото автора, 1996 г. Архив автора

(с. 253)Пастбища колхоза им. Мирзабекова с. Шиназ возле заброшенного селения Шугъад. Фото автора, 1997 г. Архив автора

(с. 254)Отношение Министерства сельского хозяйства ДАССР Совету мини­стров Дагестанской АССР от 3 сентября 1965 г. в связи с земельным спо­ром между колхозами им. 1 мая с. Дюбек Табасаранского района и им. Орджоникидзе с. Джавгат Кайтагского района (ЦГА РД, ф. 168, оп. 63, д. 33, л. 146)

(с. 256)Чертеж спорных летних пастбищ колхозов им. Ворошилова, им. Кирова, им. Самурского, им. Кундукова и «Красный партизан» Ахвах- ского района, им.

(с. 258)Постановление Президиума ЦИК ДАССР «О вооруженном столкно­вении между обществами Саситли и Эчеда из-за пользования пастбищной горой Эчеда-меер» от 18 ноября 1928 г. (ЦГА РД, ф. р-37, оп. 21, д. 19, л. 1)

(с. 263)Здание районной администрации с. Агвали, взорванное в ходе вы­боров главы администрации в 1996 г. Фото автора, 1996 г. Архив ав­тора

(с. 267)Муфтий Дагестана Сайид-Мухаммед Абубакаров, погибший в ре­зультате теракта в августе 1998 г. (Родина. 2000, № 1/2)

(с. 279)Старый и новый Кумух. Фото автора, 2001 г. Архив автора

На переплете: долина реки Казикумухское Койсу. Фото автора, 2001 г. Архив автора. Тимпан с изображением всадника и арабской надписью из с. Кубачи, XIV-XV вв. Эстамп (Дагестанский краеведческий музей, Махачкала)

SUMMARY

Custom, Law and Violence among the North Caucasian Muslims (studies in history and ethnography of law in Highland Dagestan)

This book is about crime and punishment as they were understood, practised and regulated by Muslim peasants of Highland Dagestan in the period from the 1860s to the 2000s. It focuses on the cross-cultural en­counter of legal customs (adat), Shariⁱa and Russian (imperial, socialist and post-socialist) laws and judicial practices at the level of a village com­munity (jama^tat). In this book, I use my own field data collected in 1992- 2001 as well as largely untapped archival records in Arabic, Russian and Caucasian languages, unpublished administrative reports, provincial press and scholarly publications. Drawing on this large range of sources, I dem­onstrate how the Muslim social and legal ‘traditions’ were ‘invented’, changed and accommodated for the purposes of modern centralised state­building by local Muslim officials, Russian lawmakers and ethnographers of the late imperial and socialist times.

The Dagestani case of the Islamic legal transformation sheds light on key issues in the history of the North Caucasus — particularly on colonial and socialist integration of the region into the Russian state.

There are three parts in this monograph. The first one discusses a quasi-traditional phenomenon of the abrek banditry in the 19th and 20th

century North Caucasus. It emerged in a context of, though in reaction to, the Russian conquest. Paradoxically, the more the colonial state ‘pacified’ Muslim highlanders, the more it stipulated the growth of modem criminal practices among them. This process was associated with criminalisation of the pre-modem legal culture. After the Russian conquest, blood revenge, ishkil or baranta (capture of the debtor’s property), punitive raids and some other local customs were defined and settled by imperial law as seri­ous crimes. Independent (nemimye) chieftains and some members of pro­hibited military associations of the village youths became outlaws (abreks).

The cultural meaning of violence practices changed much under the colonial rule. Blood feud and punitive raids still created jigits, highland folk heroes, only now these heroes were bandits. Highlanders who committed murders, thefts or any other criminal activities against the Russian admini­stration and its Muslim supporters were resisting the Russian rule by ig­noring laws that criminalised blood revenge, ishkil and other local prac­tices.

Semantically, violence of the highlanders was interpreted by imperial image-makers so that the term abrek acquired the meaning of the ‘criminal’ even for Muslim highlanders themselves. By the mid-19th cen­tury a discourse on Muslim banditry (khishchnichestvo) had been formed. It dominated the public mind of both colonisers and colonised peoples up to the late 20th century. This discourse much influenced ‘pacification’ activities of the state powers in different Muslim peripheries of the late imperial and socialist Russia. In reality, the abrek banditry was generally suppressed by regular Russian army but then it arose again in periods of degradation of the central state. The peaks of the movements are marked by the great Caucasian war and the 1877 revolt in Dagestan and Chech­nya, the 1905 Russian Revolution, the Civil war of 1918-1920, the World War II, and at last by the two recent Russian-Chechen wars in the 1990s.

The second and the third parts of the book deal with the development of judicious practices of Muslim villagers incorporated in social and legal networks of the Shamil’s state, imperial, socialist and post-socialist Russia. They look in particular at the language, procedures and social applications of law. The second part begins with a short outline of the medieval history of the Dagestani village courts of the customary and Islamic laws basing on unique materials of the Arabic epigraphies and palaeography dating back to the 14th - 18th centuries. My methodology is based on a well- known approach of legal pluralism which was fruitfully applied in a great deal of anthropological and historical studies including some works related

to the Islamic law. Such an approach gives a deeper awareness of a com­plicated network of legal customs (*adat), Shari^ta and state laws that oper­ated in the Dagestani village before and after modem legal reforms.

The focus of the study is on the semi-autonomous social field of village community. From the mid-19th century it was an object of anthropology and, at the same time, of anthropologically influenced state reformers. Orientalist approaches of the Russian ethnographers who used to consider the North Caucasus ‘a wild Islamic periphery of the civilised world’ con­siderably influenced a series of reforms started in the mid-19th century and continued under the Soviet rule. A comparative analysis of the regime of ‘military people’s administration’ established in Dagestan in the 1860s and that of the ‘Arabic bureaux’ in Algeria after its French occupation demonstrates striking similarities in colonial policies toward the Islamic and customary law as they were applied in the greatest colonial empires of the 19th century. Some parallels in the system of law and order might well be seen between the Russian North Caucasus and British India. This made me look not so much at village communities surviving under colonial state but at ones constituted through state reforms.

Special attention is paid to the ideology of the legal reforms in Russia in the 1860s, which was influenced by the Russian school of ethnography. One finds in it opposing ethnographic notions of ‘wildness’ and ‘civilisation’, as well as those of ‘primitive folk law’ and ‘clan community’. The third part of the book continues with the related topic of legal reforms conceived under the impact of positivist ethnographic theories. It deals with the Soviet and post-Soviet periods. It analyses how a new legal dis­course of relative ‘class justice’ has caused a deep degradation of law all over Soviet Russia and a growing criminalisation of situation in the North Caucasus. It examines the administrative ‘invention of national traditions’ in collective farms. Paradoxically, these institutions have been gradually transformed into local Muslim communities which have prepared a rapid islamisation of Highland Dagestan in the early 1990s.

The discourse on Islamic wildness and highlanders’ backwardness changed much under the Soviet rule in the North Caucasus. Late imperial reformers of the Muslim village community attempted to civilise highland­ers by eradicating their ‘backward’ and ‘primitive’ customs, with their vision of the Islamic law as a natural antagonist of the Russian state. After the Caucasian war of the 19th century, the possibility of Islamic uprisings haunted the mind of top-level state officials such as S.M. Dukhovsky, Governor-General of the Turkestan Province, or K.P. Pobedonostsev, Procurator-General of the Saint Synod. This fear lead the state to restrict the use of Shari'a norms for the Russian Muslims and to keep Muslim clergy of the North Caucasus under strict control.

In turn, Soviet lawmakers tried to free Muslim highlanders from the ‘Tsarist and feudal oppression’. During the Civil war the Bolsheviks sided

with local Islamic leaders against the White army and other supporters of the broken Tsarist rule. That’s why in the early 1920s the Soviet power le­galised Sharia courts in all the Muslim areas of the Caucasus. The social­ist discourse on Shari'a used key terms such as ‘social liberation’, ‘highland Muslim traditions’, and ‘Islamic insurgency’. For the second time, the idea of ‘Islamic resurgence’ was realised in the North Caucasus following the break-up of the Soviet Union. One should take into account that re-islamisation emerged in a context of, and in reaction to, the Soviet legacy. It presented a specific modern answer to challenges originating from the collapse of the Soviet rule in the Caucasus.

Public debates on and attempts at introducing Islamic law have become characteristic of post-socialist Muslim and non-Muslim areas, and are es­pecially vivid in the North Caucasus. In recent years, the so-called ‘Shari'a courts’ (mahakim shar^,fyya) were established de facto by reopening mosques in a number of villages and towns in Dagestan, Chechnya, In­gushetia, North Ossetia-Alania. The majority of mosques are located in Northern Dagestan and Southern Chechnya. They settle small inheritance and criminal cases including divorce, theft, drinking alcoholic beverages, and the like. The decisions of these courts are final and not subject to appeal. They usually impose both fixed Shari'a and non-Islamic penalties. Dagestani chairmen of village and district administrations often call upon local qadis to settle family and land trials. Today the discourse on Shari'a is embodied in the post-Soviet flesh and is fraught with all its negative effects due to the degradation of Islamic legal culture and growing crimi- nalisation of power and society in the region.

What are the Soviet ‘roots’ of a stormy Islamic movement in the re­gion? First, it is mosque congregation (jama‘at) which was formed within the borders of collective farm. Second, the collectivisation turned former communal lands into collective or state property and therefore expanded them at the expense of private lands and livestock. Such a coexistence of the Islamic and the socialist institutions determines the present being of Muslim congregations and gives them internal security in the period of state, ethnic and land clashes.

The book’s appendix carries a substantial historical dictionary of the most important legal and social terms. It includes more than a 100 words and phrases of the Arabic, Iranian and Turkic origin. They concern North Caucasian regional forms of Shari'a and customary law norms and prac­tices. I collected them in Arabic inscriptions and manuscripts from Dages­tan dating from the 14th to the first third of the 20th century. This is the first attempt of such a dictionary. The book also contains a detailed bibli­ography of sources and scholarly works on the Dagestani customary law, state reforms and violence practices as well as a complete list of oriental terms and notions used in the monograph.